Adam, Catherine, and Elizabeth H. Pleck. Love of Freedom: Black Women in Colonial and Revolutionary New England

Title:

Love of Freedom: Black Women in Colonial and Revolutionary New England

Author:

Catherine Adams and Elizabeth Pleck

Year of Publication:

2010

Thesis:

Digs deep into how enslaved women saw freedom. Begins with the suit of Hagar Blackmore in MA, who draws on New England Bible rhetoric to argue against man stealing. Offers a typology and examples of how women saw their freedom: self-ownership, owning property, right to Christianity, and freedom for their families. She argues that they appealed based on a patriarchal understanding of freedom, not an "equality of the sexes" type of freedom. Shows women's agency as they simultaneously were circumscribed by coverture and used it to garner financial support. Refutes the benign-northern-slavery myth. (review, Alexander) Women constructed groups, such as the Colored Female Society (early 1830s), which supported political movements even as it sought to alter the perception of Black women as prostitutes (191). At the same time women were getting people to subscribe to Freedom's Journal, it was promoting women staying home (193)

"Enslaved women in colonial and revolutionary New England sought their freedom through legal manumission, profession of their Christian faith, property ownership, and reunification of their families." However, they still held a "belief in the subordination of women to men."  "While emancipation was equally meaningful to black women and black men, the moment of winning freedom actualy brought to the fore longstanding conflicts between black women and men." (3) Slavery/bondage also equally as horrible in the North.

Time: 1630-1790 (Colonial/Revolutionary Periods)

Geography: New England

Organization:

Introduction: Hagar Blackmore's Journey from Angola to New England

- 1669 - Blackmore sues in MA as a citizen claiming "manstealing," prohibited in Puritan doctrine (but ok to receive enslaved people in "just wars" - 6)

- Significance of changing people's names (Hagar = biblical "bondswoman") (7)

- Hagar bore a child & was questioned during the birth as to the father (belief is that pregnant mothers will not lie at this time) (8)

- Enslavement to Africans, according to Adams & Pleck, was a signifier of nonpersonhood (9)

- Major forms of resistance fall under category of disobedience & noncooperation (including suicide) (9)

- "Enslaved women resorted to distinctly female means of resistance, such as feigning pregnancy, abortion, infanticide, or poisoning the master's food." (10)

- ARG: Black male property owners also under rules of coverture Rights spelled out on this page. (11)

- ARG: Black women's independence because of their earning potential is a myth - developed in ch.3 (12)

- Enslaved men had more mobility in terms of opportunities - visited women at their houses w/permission from the masters (even when married) (15)

- Enslaved men interacted w/Native Americans (16)

- Blacks held elections/parades (men only w/the "franchise") (16)

1. The Uniqueness of New England

- "Chapter 1 examines the significance of the slave trade in New England from the time of English capture of Angolans in the 1600s to the larger importation of slaves mainly from further north along the West African coast in the next century. It shows the main ways that black men and women defined free- dom even while enslaved, as well as the significance of the patriarchal ideal among New England slaves." (25)

2. Property and Patriarchy

"Chapter 2 looks at the unique conditions of New England slavery for women, their social isolation in the countryside, health and work conditions, and the favorable circumstances afforded to them in New England criminal and civil law." (25-6)

3. Spiritual Thirsting

"Chapter 3 sketches the impact of property ownership on three black marriages in the eighteenth century. Detailed case studies of these unions prove the significance of the ideal of the propertied farmer or urban homeowner for women’s definition of freedom and independence. No matter what the personal dynamics of individual marriages were, the outlines of patriarchy were always present." (26)

4. Marriage and the Family

"Chapter 4 reveals that black women’s ideal of freedom through Christ strengthened the emphasis on personal character and sexual morality but also connected them to that part of the Christian world that condemned slavery as a grievous sin." (26)

5. Seeking Possession of Her Liberty

"Chapter 5 shows that while the slave trade destroyed African families, New Eng- land slaves created new ones and nurtured the desire for a household headed by a man who was a protector and provider for his family. Although some free black unions were long-enduring partnerships, the model of the fam- ily was not an egalitarian but a hierarchical unit. During the first moments of emancipation, beginning in the 1780s, conflicts between black men and women, already apparent in slavery, became quite visible precisely around issues of male authority and married women’s employment. Black husbands in defense of their reputation, their honor, and their credit at the store strove to control their wives; as a result, some black wives fled their marriage. " (27)

6. Spirit of Freedom

"The primary focus of chapter 6 is the story of enslaved women who brought indi- vidual suits for emancipation in the courts; at the end of the Revolutionary War one woman made larger collective claims, that slavery was unconstitu- tional in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts based on the principles of the new state’s constitution. Overall, winning legal freedom through the courts was the form of emancipation that most clearly involved interracial associa- tions and the assistance of white abolitionists." (26)

7. Citizenship

"Chapter 7 reveals that black men and women exploited the chaos of wartime and antislavery sympathy among whites to declare themselves free. There were many reasons why slavery ended in New England after the Revolution, but among them were the efforts of black women and men to secure it and take advantage of the spirit of liberty present among their white neighbors. As emancipated slaves, black women as well as men in New England became citizens of the newly founded New England states, even though their rights were circumscribed. " (26)

...

"As chapter 8 reveals, patriarchal principles limited black women’s participation in free black institutions. Since black citizen- ship was defined in terms of the assertion of black manhood it was not clear what role women could play other than working for wages in menial jobs and caring for their homes. Despite being denied the full rights of citizens free black women tried to carve out their own, more-limited definition of citizenship. They sought to achieve concrete benefits for themselves and their families from free black institutions or in petitioning the governments of New England states. In pursuing these goals they also showed that they wanted respect from their neighbors, education for their children, eco- nomic security, religious fellowship, and a government that affirmed and enforced their claims for justice." (26-27)

Epilogue

"Only in the early nineteenth century, as the epilogue indicates, did black women place great emphasis on gender as well as race, defining their role less as subordinates in a black patriarchal family and more as mothers of the race concerned both with home and family, and the abolition of slavery, while also confronting the “monster prejudice” they faced daily." (27)

Notes

Index

Type:

Methods:

Sources:

poetry, conversion narratives, lawsuits

Historiography:

Keywords:

Freedom, family, faith, entrepreneurship, womanhood, masculinity (3)

Patriarchy (from Gerda Lerner): "the manifestation and institutionalization of male dominance over women and children in hte family and the extension of male dominance over women in society in general." (10)

Coverture: "a framework of the English common law in which the woman at marriage took her husband's surname as her own and had her legal identity subsumed under that of her husband. Under coverture, a married woman had no right to her own wages, could not make a contract, could not write a will, and could not acquire property on her own." (Also speaks to the rights and responsibilities of the husband) (11)

Themes:

Critiques:

Questions:

Quotes:

"The association of Massachusetts with abolitionism is not undeserved so long as it is acknowledged that the first abolitionists were the slaves themselves." (4)

On the value (and paucity) of Black women's stories:

Yet there are additional reasons why women so often recede into the background in the chronicle of black history. “The slave,” as a generalized being, is often thought of as a male and the enslaved woman is instead considered the exception—a supplement or an aside to the main story, which is about men. There are more general assumptions as well about the major theme of African American history, the struggle for freedom. Freedom is perceived as such an overriding goal of all black people and race unity the best means to achieve it that it is assumed there is no particular woman’s angle in need of telling." (20)

"No black woman kept an account book, a journal, a diary, or published her autobiography, to our knowledge, or succeeded in having her wedding announcement placed in a newspaper. Thus, the contemporaneous written record about black women is less substantial than that for black men, in large part because they were much less likely to be literate. Sadly, many of the letters written by the few literate black women have not survived. For example, while some of the correspondence of Phillis Wheatley to her female friend Obour Tanner, a slave in Newport, has been preserved, none of Tanner’s letters to Wheatley have been found." (21)

On intelligence & the notion of using exemplary Black people as examples of it:

"The remembrance of individual enslaved men and women in New England was crucial to the abolitionist cause. Defenders of slavery argued that bondage was a natural condition for black people because they were men- tally inferior to whites. At a time when there were no standard measures of intelligence, the best way for abolitionists to refute such views was to point to the one black individual who was the equal or the superior of whites in character and intelligence; by those standards, Wheatley certainly was at the top of the list. In addition, some abolitionists chose the example of a black man but others pointed to a black woman they had known since childhood. Although black men were more often remembered than black women, it was nonetheless the case that black women were recalled more fondly because of the children that they had “tenderly nursed.” (22-23)

On religion:

"Evangelical Protestantism appealed to African women because it blended African and Christian elements, offered dynamic preaching, and provided religious services in which women could express their spiritual joy and personal anguish." (186)

Notes:

This is an important contribution to scholarship, especially in the Colonial Period. It gives some sense of where to look for Black women’s voices and how to read them. I think tracing how Black people perceived and articulated notions of freedom remains a worthwhile endeavor. That Adams and Pleck underscore the tension in the Revolutionary Period with respect to Black men and women, I still struggle to imagine a world in which this friction was not a constant undercurrent.

Taylor, Quintard. In Search of the Racial Frontier: African Americans in the American West, 1528-1990. New York: Norton, 1998.

Title: In Search of the Racial Frontier: African Americans in the American West, 1528-1990

Author: Quintard Taylor

Year of Publication: 1998

Thesis:

Quintard Taylor argues for the centrality of Black people and their complex roles as they migrated west, breaking with the notion that African Americans were a historical footnote it the history of the West. He asks the question whether the West was "a racial frontier beyond which lay the potential for an egalitarian society." (312-313). Leaving the book with the question open, he does demonstrate that ideologically, African Americans forged ahead in struggling to develop community and uphold their institutions as well as to connect to other African Americans on both rural and urban, local and national scales.

Time: 1528-1990

Geography: U.S. West

Organization:

Acknowledgments

Introduction

- Begins with opposing quotes, one in which Black people are welcomed to the West & the other in which they are not (17)

- Black people always struggle, regardless of geography, but how they struggle proves instructive, and it is important to make those geographic distinctions (18)

- Purpose:

- "to reconstruct the history of African American women and men in hte nineteen western states on and beyond hte ninety-eighth meridian--North Dakota to Texas westward to Alaska and Hawaii." (18)

- Goals:

- Make visible a the rich and diverse history of Black folk in the West

- Demonstrate the distinctiveness of Black history and its legacy in the West

- "establish conclusively the existence of multiple African American historical traditions." (19)

- Myth - Black people had no place in the West because they were neither conquerors nor conquered (19)

- Instead, seeks to demonstrate significance when thinking through the role of Black people (21)

- Works on urban history (21)

- African Americans not as solitary male figures, but heterogeneous  to break this myth (22)

1. Spanish Origins, 1528-1848

2. Slavery in the Antebellum West, 1835-1865

3. Freedom in the Antebellum West, 1835-1865

- Migration thought to offer a new chance (80)

- "By 1860 Texas had 355 free blacks and 182,000 slaves, clear proof that Anglo Texas liberty and black freedom had become incompatible." (80)

- If not slavery, then discrimination (82)

- Yet, they still came and protested, especially through political pressure developed in conventions, the church, and through legal means. Often this meant opposing laws against testimony.

- Where Black folk mined, it tended to be integrated, though these relationships were threatened as racial lines hardened. (85)

- Economic opportunity, personal and political autonomy proved central to African Americans' interest in migrating

- Describes cultural, not geographic boundaries for developing community (87)

- Telegraph Hill was a predominantly Black community (88)

- Many roles, but also tied in some ways to history of enslavement (97) - cooks, barbers, boarding houses (88)

- Cities: LA, Marysville, Grass Valley, Placerville, Stockton

- Conventions (see, pp.92-93)

- Despite the fact there were a number of individual suites, they had no overall effect on policy changes on transportation (interestingly, this is 30-ish years before Plessy (93)

- Black-owned newspapers (93)

4. Reconstruction in the West, 1865-1875

5. Migration and Settlement, 1875-1920

6. Buffalo Soldiers in the West, 1866-1917

7. The Black Urban West, 1870-1910

8. The Black Urban West, 1911-40

9. World War II and the Postwar Black West, 1941-50

10. The Civil Rights Movement in the West, 1950-1970

Conclusion

Notes

Bibliography

Index

Type:

Methods:

Chronological & overlapping with geography

Sources:

Historiography:

Blacks in the West (W. Sherman Savage, 1976) - along the lines of Frederick Jackson Turner (21)

Keywords:

Recognition school - the idea that pointing out African Americans existed is good enough (21)

Themes:

Critiques:

Questions:

Quotes:

"It also seeks to locate the black West in the larger model of a regional history that defines the West as a place rather than a process." (19)

Notes:

Smallwood, Stephanie. Saltwater Slavery: A Middle Passage from Africa to American Diaspora. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007.

Title: Saltwater Slavery: A Middle Passage from Africa to America

Author: Stephanie Smallwood

Year of Publication: 2007

Thesis:

To Smallwood, the existence of an overarching market system that heavily integrated slavery determined how Africans would set up roots and develop community as they were forced across the Atlantic. To make sense of their lives, Africans experiencing the the Middle Passage had to quickly adapt specifc cultural understandings in a culturally and ethnically heterogeneous environment to both make sense of their experiences to survive it, especially as a constant sense of timelessness was imposed on them though multiple and overlapping migrations. (202) Further, she argues that Africans were forced migrants - if anything they made themselves into immigrants as they weighed their options. (183) They did so by orienting themselves as mentioned above, creating kinship, and developing ways to deal with enslavement. (183) This book makes good of use of difficult sources mixed with quantitative data to access enslaved people's lives.

Time: 1675-1725

Geography:

British Atlantic / Senegambia / Gold Coast / Calabar / Madagascar (2)

Organization:

Introduction

- Focuses on the manufacture of enslavement, with the ship as the main site of this process.

- One-way journey for enslaved people

1. The Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People

- Pursuit of gold by Portuguese

- Maize coming from Americas

2. Turning African Captives into Atlantic Commodities

- exchangeability in the market

- formation requires physical and social violence (35)

- Sees the beginning of manufacture on the coast (38)

- Looks at the physical space - how it is constructed (38) - this relates to carpentry & Newton

- Apparatus - chains, bolts, etc. (41)

- Science, efficiency, and slavery go together (43)

- Access to food limited/restricted (44)

- Looks at Social Death here (52)

- The Market as key

- "The collective assault of the practices used to herd together captives at the littoral was greater than the sum of its parts. Physical in- carceration and social alienation played a role; but ultimately the power of these and other constraints lay not in their immediate ma- terial effect but in the overarching system justifying the commodi- fication of Africans. The most powerful instrument locking captives in as commodities for Atlantic trade was the culture of the market itself." (56)

- Social death as power - from Patterson:

"Patterson suggests, moreover, that in many slaveholding societies the social death of the slave functioned pre- cisely to empower him to navigate, in his liminality, through be- twixt-and-between places where full members of society could not. In some societies, the liminal status of the slave empowered him to undertake roles in the spiritual world, such as handling the bodies of the deceased, that were dangerous to full members of society. “Being socially dead, the captives were able to move between the living and the dead without suffering the supernatural harm in- evitably experienced by the socially alive in such boundary cross- ing." (50)

- Captives escaped & were often recaptured (63)

- Kinship is able to rebuild on the coast (64)

3. The Political Economy of the Slave Ship

- Describes the slave ship

- Enslaved people make up profitability of other legs that are less profitable (68)

- *Molding of enslaved people, but given Newton - aren't slave ships being molded to enslaved people? (68)

- Analyzes Royal Afr Company stats.

- Upper decks are NECESSARY to make this profitable / utilize the ship (76)

- Demand for enslaved people outstripping supply in 17th cent. Benin (88)

4. The Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo

- How enslaved people formed bonds despite many ethnicities in one place (105)

- Trying to figure out if people are more likely to bond when from the same place

- Regions are not exact b/c slave traders aren't exact

- Akan people's - connection to the land and matriclan societies important

- Oral traditions show us "states" bound in different ways

5. The Living Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea

- Competing narratives of merchant exploits and African experiences (muted)

- Equiano's childhood

- Made the Atlantic knowable in their own terms (equiano & work for example) (126)

6. Turning Atlantic Commodities into American Slaves

7. Life and Death in Diaspora

- As forced migrants, not immigrants (unless they built this themselves)

- intent to return & reverse the commodification (sometimes through death) (186)

- American slavery as the reality - how to cope with it? (187)

- Multiple diasporas (187)

- American-born communities were not immediate (201)

Notes

Acknowledgments

Index

Type:

Methods: Uses the trajectory of a journey through the Middle Passage.

Sources:

British correspondence & especially internal correspondence, Royal African Company, "ledgers, bills of lading," "voyage journals"(4), Slave Trade Database

Historiography:

Fits in well with Middle Passage Studies. Sowande Mustakeem's Slavery at Sea is a good complement. Often paired with Rediker.

Keywords:

"Salt-Water" designated "newcomer" enslaved person (7)

forced emigration (7)

chain migration (192)

demographic catastrophy

fictive kinship (198)

littoral (35)

Virtual kinlessness (61)

Themes:

Women having key roles in caring for Africans newly arrived (197)

Critiques:

From Vincent Brown - (https://www.nanoshlucas.com/comps-prep-1/2021/1/4/brown-v-2009-social-death-and-political-life-in-the-study-of-slavery-the-american-historical-review-1145-12311249):

- Smallwood/Hartman - social death as product of commodification, though Smallwood’s interventions are deeper, argues Brown (1240)

- Smallwood - strongly explores the tension of the intent to turn people into things - essentially, the harder master’s tried, the more they found resistance everywhere (this almost seems like the reverse of Genovese?) (pull quote -1241)

- Smallwood points out how important it was for Africans to define the slave ship in some form that would help them conceptualize the experience.

Questions:

Quotes:

"In place of the networks that link origins and departures, and transform the emigrant into an immigrant, for African captives in the Atlantic system reverberated the traumatic echo of commodification: the return of the slave ship, the arrival of new exiles into American slavery, the renewed imprint of the saltwater on the African diaspora." (7)

It affords an analytical and conceptual cate- gory that defines the Atlantic in historical time and place in a fresh way. It places the emphasis not on the African “background” of American slavery, on migration (focusing on captive Africans as “migrants” instead of “slaves”), or on the “middle passage” as a metaphor for all that was wrong with New World slavery. Instead, the concept of saltwater slavery illuminates what forced migration entailed. (8)

"Such an analysis of what happened to captive Africans in the Atlantic offers something we cannot get at simply by including Africa in our histories of Afri- can America or by singling out African captives as involuntary mi- grants or by naming the Atlantic crossing the middle passage. Here is a history of American slavery that begins in Africa and the Atlan- tic, in the saltwater slavery of peoples in motion, a diaspora shaped by violence encompassing the African, Atlantic, and American arenas of captivity, commodification, and enslavement." (189)

"The cultures they produced do not reflect the simple transfer and continuation of Africa in the Americas but rather reflect the elaboration of specific cultural content and its transformation to meet the particular needs of slave life in the Atlantic system: their need to reassert some kind of healthy relationship to an- cestors; to manage death; to produce social networks, communities, and relations of kinship; to address the imbalance of power be- tween black and white; to stake a claim to their bodies to counter the plantation economy’s claim to ownership." (190)

On the migrant chain:

"The migrant chain that connected Africa to America was seem- ingly endless, however, and its length was due primarily to the mar- ket. Africans made to “buy more” Africans were thus compelled to be the agents of their own exploitation by an economic system that consumed the very lives of slaves." (199)

On connection:

"Rather than reflecting the absence of connection, therefore, the African migration produced a unique kind of connection. The echo produced by the serial repetition of one-way departures, the voices of saltwater slaves, could not reverberate back to Africa." (201)

Significance of salt water:

The saltwater in African memory, then, was perhaps the antithesis of a “middle” passage, with all that phrase implies about a smooth, linear progression leading to a known end. For many in the pioneering generations of slaves, there could be no such integration of the terror of Atlantic memory." (207)

On the process of commodification:

"The littoral, therefore, was more than a site of economic ex- change and incarceration. The violence exercised in the service of human commodification relied on a scientific empiricism always seeking to find the limits of human capacity for suffering, that point where material and social poverty threatened to consume entirely the lives it was meant to garner for sale in the Americas. In this re- gard, the economic enterprise of human trafficking marked a watershed in what would become an enduring project in the modern Western world: probing the limits up to which it is possible to discipline the body without extinguishing the life within." (36)

On sustenance:

"made this an exceedingly narrow range within which to subsist: between abject and benign starvation, between the absolute or near absence of food at worst and daily rations even at best too scanty and nutritionally limited to supply nourishment beyond a minimal level. Captives passed this time negotiating an unpredictable course between reliable sustenance and starvation. Some recovered their physical strength, but some also starved to death." (49)

Turning death on its head:

"In this sense, the departure and displacement of the dead produced migrations that sustained connection, by carrying the soul of the deceased to the realm of the ancestors and returning the personality of the deceased to the realm of the living, reincarnated in the body of a newborn. Death thereby preserved and indeed strengthened an un- broken continuity (indeed, such circularity was central to many precolonial African conceptualizations of time)." (58-59)

Notes:

largest international migration in history (pre-19th century) (192)